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Abu Talib Muhammad Tughril ibn Mika'il (), better known as Tughril (طغرل / طغریل; also spelled Toghril / Tughrul), was a TurkomanGrousset, Rene, The Empire of the Steppes, (Rutgers University Press, 1991), 161,164; "It is to be noted that the Seljuks, those Turkomans who became sultans of Persia...""The defeat in August 1071 of the Byzantine emperor Romanos Diogenes by the Turkomans at the battle of Malazgirt (Manzikert) is taken as a turning point in the history of Anatolia and the Byzantine Empire. chieftain, who founded the Seljuk Empire, ruling from 1037 to 1063.
Tughril united many Turkoman warriors of the Central Asian steppes into a confederacy of tribes and led them in conquest of Khorasan and eastern Persia. He would later establish the Seljuk Sultanate after conquering Persia and taking the Abbasid capital of Baghdad from the Buyid dynasty in 1055. Tughril relegated the Abbasid Caliphs to state figureheads and took command of the caliphate's armies in military offensives against the Byzantine Empire and the Fatimids in an effort to expand his empire's borders and unite the Islamic world.
After the deaths of Seljuk leaders such as Israil and Mikail, the Seljuks submitted to the authority of Tughril Bey and began expanding their territories under the leadership of his brother, Chaghri Beg. In 1037, Tughril was declared sultan by the prominent figures of the Seljuk dynasty, and a sermon (khutbah) was delivered in his name. Following the death of Mahmud of Ghazni and the accession of Sultan Masʽud, the Seljuks, under Tughril’s leadership, engaged in several phases of warfare with the Ghaznavids. As a result, the Seljuks emerged as a new power in the Middle East after their decisive victory in the Battle of Dandanqan in 1040, which brought an end to Ghaznavid rule in Greater Khorasan and surrounding regions. Subsequently, Tughril settled in Nishapur as his capital and, with the support of his brother and close allies, established his own state.
Following the Battle of Dandanaqan, Tughril, along with the Seljuk leadership, sent a letter to the Abbasid caliph al-Qa'im bi-Amrillah, requesting an official decree of authority, which was granted. Between the Hijri years 1040–1054, with the assistance of Ibrahim Inal, Tughril conquered large parts of Iranian territory, including the regions of Jibal and Iraq-i Ajam, and brought an end to the Buyid dynasty government in these areas. He captured the city of Ray, restored it, and declared it the capital. However, after capturing Isfahan, he moved the capital there. Later, Tughril brought Azerbaijan under his control and carried out military campaigns against Byzantium and other regions of Byzantine Empire territories, further expanding the Seljuk Empire.
In 1055, accepting an invitation from the Abbasid caliph to visit Baghdad, Tughril initiated a new phase in Seljuk–Abbasid relations. Between 1055–1061, he eliminated Buyid dynasty rule in Baghdad, captured Malik Rahim, and had sermons read in his name in those territories. After restoring Baghdad, Tughril arranged the marriage of Chaghri Beg’s daughter to the Abbasid caliph, thus strengthening ties with the caliphate. He subsequently seized the Jazira Region region. Later, after suppressing a revolt by his brother Ibrahim Inal and executing him, Tughril also defeated Arslan al-Basasiri, who had the backing of the Fatimid Caliphate. He married the caliph’s daughter despite opposition from the caliph himself—a union that was accompanied by numerous challenges. Ultimately, in 1063, Tughril died without leaving an heir and left behind a vast empire.
Tughril Beg was known as a devout figure and commissioned the construction of many mosques and madrasas. He was recognized for his adherence to the Hanafi school school of Islamic jurisprudence and, with the assistance of his vizier al-Kunduri, imposed restrictions on the activities of other Islamic sects. While some sources describe him as a just ruler who avoided unnecessary bloodshed, other accounts report oppressive conduct by him and his army.
Tughril’s legacy was the administrative model he created, which was composed of the Turkic political tradition, the region’s customary administrative principles, and the religious legitimacy derived from the Abbasid Caliphate. This model reshaped the institution of sultanate into a form of absolute rule endowed with extraordinary authority. This form of rule overshadowed the worldly power of the caliph, recognizing only his spiritual leadership. Consequently, the caliph was compelled to submit to Tughril’s demands. Before the advent of the Seljuks, Iran was divided between several warring local powers, such as the Buyids, Kakuyids and Ghaznavids. As a result, it suffered from continuous war and destruction. However, under Tughril peace and prosperity were brought to the country and to Mesopotamia, a transition that was further reinforced due to the Seljuks' assimilation to Iranian-Muslim culture.
In the 1020s, Tughril and his other relatives were serving the Kara-Khanids of Bukhara. In 1026, the Kara-Khanids were driven out of Bukhara by the Ghaznavid Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni. Seljuk's son Arslan Isra'il fled to a place near Sarakhs, where he asked Mahmud for permission to settle in the area in return for military aid. Mahmud, however, had Arslan Isra'il put in prison, where the latter soon died. Meanwhile, Tughril and Chaghri remained loyal to their Kara-Khanid overlords, although there were disputes between them in 1029; in 1032, they fought alongside the Kara-Khanids at the Battle of Dabusiyya.
After the Kara-Khanid ruler Ali-Tegin's death, however, the Seljuks changed their allegiance to the ruler of Khwarazm, Harun, but were repelled by the Oghuz Turks ruler Shah Malik in 1035. The Seljuks then went to the same place as Arslan Isra'il, and asked the son of Mahmud, Mas'ud I, for asylum. Mas'ud, however, considered the nomadic Turks to be dangerous and sent an army under his commander-in-chief Begtoghdi. The army was shortly defeated by the Seljuks, who forced Mas'ud to surrender Nasa, Farava and Dahae in return for Seljuk recognition of Ghaznavid authority and protection of the region from other Turkic tribes.
In 1037, the Seljuks also forced the Ghaznavids to cede them Sarakhs, Abivard and Merv. The Seljuks then slowly began to subdue the cities of Greater Khorasan, and, when they captured Nishapur, Tughril proclaimed himself Sultan of Khorasan.
Following Seljuk, his sons—Israel, Musa Yabghu, and Mikail—as well as Mikail’s sons, Tughril Beg and Chaghri Beg, participated in the ongoing conflicts in the regions of Transoxiana and Khwarazm. They entered the service of various rulers, primarily the Samanids, in return for guarantees of access to pasturelands for their livestock and even resisted other Turkic groups. Toward the end of the Samanid period, some Turks initially assisted the Samanids in combating other Turks and defeated their enemies. However, they later departed from the Samanids and turned against them. The role of the Seljuk family and other Turks or Oghuz in this matter is debated; while some sources accuse the Seljuks, others exonerate them. After the fall of the Samanids, the Seljuks became subject to the Qarakhanids, continued their nomadic lifestyle under their service, and gradually consolidated their power. The Seljuk dynasty collaborated with the Qarakhanid ruler Ali Tigin and supported him in capturing Bukhara in 1020. Later, one of the Seljuks married Ali Tigin’s daughter and, through this marriage, gained a special status within Ali Tigin’s domain.
Meanwhile, Mahmud of Ghazni took advantage of the unrest in Qarakhanid territories and, under the pretext of rescuing those suffering under Ali Tigin’s oppression, launched a campaign into Transoxiana. In reality, he aimed to establish control over Bukhara and Samarkand. With Mahmud’s arrival in the region, Ali Tigin fled to the desert, and his ally Israel Seljukoghlu went into hiding.
According to different accounts, Israel was captured after Mahmud discovered his hiding place, sent to Ghazni, and later to India, where he remained until his death. Another version states that Mahmud invited one of the Seljuks to his court, and Israel, as the senior member of the family, accepted the invitation. At first, Mahmud treated him warmly and respectfully, but later, fearing the growing power of the Seljuks and their numerous soldiers, he arrested him along with his followers and imprisoned him in a fortress in India, where Israel died.
To prevent a Seljuk uprising, Mahmud of Ghazni portrayed this incident as accidental and temporary. Initially, the Seljuks considered revolting against Mahmud, but upon receiving his message and recognizing his strength, they abandoned this plan.
The most vocal opponent of this decision was Arslan Jazib, the governor of Tus. He openly objected to the Sultan’s decision. However, Mahmud dismissed his concerns, labeling him "harsh." Some sources suggest that the Turcomans’ reliability as a military force and the revenues generated from their presence in Khorasan influenced Mahmud’s decision. The Turcomans settled in Khorasan and benefited from the region’s vast pastures and rich resources. However, they soon began looting and revolting. The people complained to Sultan Mahmud about their actions. The Sultan ordered Arslan Jazib to suppress them, but Arslan failed to manage the situation, and the Sultan reprimanded him severely. Arslan requested the Sultan to come personally to Khorasan, and in 419 AH (1028/1029), the Sultan set out for the city of Tus in great anger. After meeting with Arslan and receiving a report on the situation, the Sultan gave him a large army to defeat the Seljuks. In a battle near Rabat, close to Farava, Arslan inflicted a heavy defeat on the Turcomans. Many were killed, others were captured, and the rest fled to Balkh and Dihistan (regions located in the south and west of Khwarazm).
Despite this severe defeat, the Turcomans were not completely destroyed and began to wait for an opportunity to return to Khorasan. After Sultan Mahmud’s death, the Seljuks corresponded with Sultan Masud in the hope of returning to Khorasan and, after agreeing to certain conditions, re-entered the region. However, they soon resumed their plundering and attacks. One of the key factors in the Seljuks’ rise was Sultan Masud’s failure to properly assess their threat and his excessive focus on India. This ultimately led to Sultan Masud’s devastating defeat and death. The Seljuk Turks engaged Sultan Masud and his representatives in several battles across Khorasan and defeated them each time.
After establishing full control over Khorasan in 1037, the Seljuks declared Tughril as their leader, and for the first time, the Friday sermon (khutbah) was delivered in his name. Tughril’s stepbrother, Ibrahim Inal, conquered Nishapur with 200 cavalry and had the khutbah recited in Tughril’s name during the first Friday prayer. Shortly thereafter, Tughril entered Nishapur, was received with a grand ceremony, hosted at the Shadiyakh garden, and then ascended the throne of Mas'ud of Ghazni. Some sources also attribute these events to the years 1028–29.
After Chaghri Beg conquered Nishapur, he intended to plunder the city. However, Tughril, relying on his elevated position and in response to the caliph's request that the Seljuks refrain from plundering, dissuaded Chaghri Beg from doing so by paying him 40,000 dinars.
In the year 431 AH (1040 CE), the most significant and decisive battle between the Ghaznavids and Seljuks took place at a location called Dandanqan. Sultan Mas'ud’s arrogance, his disregard for advice, removal of loyal officials, the defection of some soldiers to the Seljuks, and other strategic missteps led to a crushing defeat for the Ghaznavids. Following this defeat, Sultan Mas'ud was killed, and the Ghaznavids’ power was effectively broken in the face of Seljuk ascendancy. After the victory at Dandanaqan, Tughril and other Seljuk leaders, including Chaghri Beg and Musa Yabghu, sent a letter to the Abbasid caliph al-Qa'im bi-Amrillah requesting an official decree confirming their authority. The letter highlighted the services rendered by the Seljuks, the oppression they had endured at the hands of Sultan Mahmud, the errors of Sultan Mas'ud, and their decisive victory at the Battle of Dandanaqan.
After arriving in Iran, the Seljuks, in line with their traditional practices, divided the conquered territories among prominent members of the family and their subordinates as major settlements. Each region was entrusted to an appointed authority, and Seljuk leaders were dispatched to administer their respective territories. As a result of this distribution, Tughril was granted the authority to govern the central region of Iran—'Iraq-i Ajam'.
The arrival of the Turcomans in Iran is not solely associated with conquest, plunder, and the pursuit of wealth. It is believed that they entered Iran and its fertile lands with the intention of permanent settlement. After becoming familiar with the political, military, and social conditions of Iran, the Turcomans extended their ambitions beyond the borders of Khorasan and began considering territories beyond Iran’s frontiers as well. One of the indicators supporting this notion is Tughril’s adoption of the title al-Sultan al-Mu‘azzam (“the Exalted Sultan”), which reflected his grand ambitions and the gradual realization of his envisioned objectives. Tughril divided his territories among members of his family to ensure that trustworthy forces would maintain control over those regions. Furthermore, he relied on his loyal and experienced military companions, such as his brother Ibrahim Inal, Chaghri’s sons Yaquti and Alp Arslan, his cousin Qutalmish, and Israel’s son, in pursuit of his main goal: the conquest of targeted lands.
By the time Tughril Beg advanced westward from Khorasan, the Buyids were already in decline. Their administrative system consisted of three separate emirates, lacking political and geographical cohesion. Their governing authority was fragmented among the Iranian plateau’s center, Fars, and Iraq. Nevertheless, familial bonds among the dynasty’s founders and their administrative competence had preserved a degree of coordination between these regions. However, following the death of 'Adud al-Dawla (d. 372 AH), the political unity established during his reign disintegrated, and the next generation of the dynasty opposed his political trajectory.
Initially, the Buyids relied on Daylamite infantry forces. Later, they strengthened their military by recruiting Turkic cavalry. However, for unknown reasons, the use of Daylamite soldiers gradually diminished during the 10th and 11th centuries, and eventually, the emirates became fully dependent on Turkic mercenaries. These Turkic military units often rebelled and began to operate independently of the emirs' authority, leading to a weakening of central Buyid power. The Buyids’ inclination toward Shi‘ism, particularly the doctrine of Twelver Shi‘ism, initially reinforced their authority. Yet over time, this policy lost its efficacy. Political Shi‘ism failed to establish dominance in the East, and the Ismailis maintained control over only limited territories. Additionally, the rise of the Turks and the resurgence of power by the Abbasid caliph al-Qa’im further strengthened the caliphate’s position in Iraq.
By 421 AH (1030 CE), the Buyids still controlled vast territories, but they were facing serious attacks in the northern and central parts of Iran. In many cities, strong governance was either absent or in the hands of incompetent rulers. Some areas had fallen under the control of the Kakuyids, a Daylamite dynasty with close ties to the Buyids. However, this dynasty only managed to establish a brief and unstable rule in central Iran. Furthermore, the expansion of Turcoman tribes operating in Iraq into northern and central Iran—particularly their interest in Rayy and Hamadan—undermined the ambitions of rulers like Ibn Kakuyah and ultimately led to their submission to the Turkcomans. In the end, the military victories of the Turks in Iran broke the resistance of both the Ghaznavids and the Buyids, paving the way for the migration of numerous Turkcoman tribes from Central Asia into Iran.
Subsequently, Mardavij ibn Basu marched on Sari with the aim of defeating Anushirvan. As a result, Anushirvan agreed to pay an annual tribute of thirty thousand dirhams and to have the khutbah read in Tughril’s name within his territories. Following this agreement, Mardavij married Anushirvan’s mother, thereby bringing Anushirvan under his authority. As a consequence of these events, Gorgan and Tabaristan came under Seljuk control.
Regarding the reason the Seljuks did not settle permanently in Tabaristan, Foruzani argues that the region’s humid climate was incompatible with their nature. However, Mo’allimi disagrees, suggesting instead that Tughril was too preoccupied with matters in Iraq, especially those related to Baghdad, to focus on the complicated situation in Mazandaran.
During Ibrahim’s march toward Hamadan, Faramarz’s brother, Abu Kalijar Garshasp, was in control of the city. Upon learning of Ibrahim’s advance, Garshasp fled to Falak-ol-Aflak. Ibrahim established a camp near Hamadan, and the city’s inhabitants agreed to submit to him on the condition that Garshasp be pursued and captured. Ibrahim accepted this condition and, after collecting a certain amount of money from them, set out in pursuit of Garshasp I. He seized Shapurkhwast by force and plundered it, but failed to capture Garshasp, who had taken refuge in the city’s fortress. In 434 AH (1042–1043 CE), Tughril Beg arrived in Ray. According to Bosworth, Ibrahim ceased his campaigns in the aforementioned regions and set out for Ray to meet Tughril. Meanwhile, Garshasp returned to Hamadan. At this point, Tughril reclaimed all the territories Ibrahim had seized, including Ray and the province of Jibal.
Two main hypotheses have been proposed regarding Tughril’s decision:
1. Tughril needed a strategically located and secure central base—such as Ray and Jibal—in order to achieve his long-term objectives.
2. The inhumane conduct displayed by Ibrahim and his Turkic companions during their conquests—particularly the devastation of Ray and the plundering of Shapurkhwast—was inconsistent with Tughril’s strategic aims. Tughril sought to win popular support and counteract negative perceptions of the Seljuks. The actions of Ibrahim and his men seriously undermined these efforts, prompting Tughril to repossess the territories they had captured.
Following these events, Tughril issued a decree to restore the ruined city of Ray and designated it as his capital. In Ray, he came into possession of several gold statues adorned with precious stones, as well as two Chinese porcelain jars filled with jewels.
Additionally, the Abbasid caliph al-Qa’im bi-Amrillah sent one of his trusted men, Habbattullah Ma’muni, to Tughril in Ray. Through this envoy, the caliph conveyed his goodwill and friendship toward Tughril. These gestures marked the beginning of a relationship between the Seljuks and the Abbasid caliphate, based on mutual interests.
One of the reasons for Ibrahim’s frequent clashes with local rulers and tribes was the recurring raids carried out by him and his army. For the Turks in Ibrahim’s ranks, such plundering was seen as part of a traditional war practice. This custom, inherited from their nomadic lifestyle in Central Asia, continued to be an integral aspect of their conduct.
In the month of Muharram in 1046, Faramarz declared his loyalty and allegiance to the Buyid heir Sultan Abu Kalijar and ordered the khutbah to be read in his name in Isfahan and its surrounding regions. Shortly thereafter, in 1047, Tughril laid siege to Isfahan. However, as he was unable to enter the city, he opted for negotiation and reached an agreement with Faramarz: the ruler of Isfahan was to deliver regular tribute payments and have the khutbah read in Tughril’s name within the city and its surroundings.
In 1049, Sultan Abu Kalijar died and was succeeded by his son, Sultan Rahim. During this period, Faramarz occasionally expressed his loyalty to Tughril, while at other times he acted under the authority of Sultan Rahim. This dual allegiance eventually led Tughril to dispatch an army to Isfahan in 1051, initiating a siege that lasted for an entire year. During this period, several skirmishes broke out between the forces of Tughril and Faramarz, although Tughril managed to control only the outskirts of the city. The prolonged siege and the devastation of surrounding villages forced the city's notables to initiate negotiations. They sent envoys offering submission and a specified tribute in an attempt to obtain Tughril’s approval. However, Tughril insisted on complete capitulation. Meanwhile, the people of Isfahan, suffering from severe food shortages, could no longer resist. As a result, they declared their submission and surrendered the city to Tughril. Tughril then awarded certain regions in Jibal as iqṭāʿ (fiefs) to some of Faramarz’s military commanders and thereby removed them from Isfahan. Faramarz himself was granted the cities of Yazd and Abarkuh as his iqṭāʿ. Tughril also treated the inhabitants of Isfahan with kindness. Thus, in the month of Muharram in 1052, Tughril entered Isfahan. The city appealed to Tughril’s tastes and sensibilities, and for this reason, it was selected as the new capital of the Seljuk state. Military supplies and weaponry were transferred from Ray to Isfahan.
Following these successes, Ibrahim launched further attacks into different regions of Byzantine territory, even advancing to within a fifteen-day march of the Byzantine capital, Constantinople. As a result of the fighting, the Turcoman captured a significant amount of loot, including wild animals, wealth, and military supplies from the local population.
Tughril then launched a campaign toward the eastern Byzantine frontiers — corresponding to the western regions of modern-day South Caucasus. Abu’l-Aswar Shaddadid accompanied him during this expedition. Tughril’s main objective was the conquest of the city of Malazgirt. He laid siege to the city, plundered and devastated a nearby town called Hasna. Through the killing, plundering, and capture of many Byzantines, he succeeded in instilling fear and awe throughout the region. He advanced as far as Erzurum but was unable to capture Malazgirt. With the onset of winter, he returned to Azerbaijan. Although he declared that he would resume his campaign into Byzantine territories after winter, he returned to the city of Ray some time later.
In Ramadan 1054, a conflict arose between Caliph al-Qa'im and Arslan, orchestrated by the caliph’s vizier Ibn al-Muslima. One of the main reasons for Arslan’s rebellious attitude was the vizier’s hostile stance toward Shi‘ites, particularly in the Karkh quarter of Baghdad, and his overt support for Sunnis. During this period, sectarian tensions in Baghdad escalated significantly. Supported by newly arrived Turks, Kurdish and Bedouin Arab forces began looting villages. Despite his efforts, Arslan failed to suppress these attacks. Meanwhile, Quraysh ibn Badran, leader of the Banu Uqayl tribe and ruler of Mosul, seized Anbar, confiscated Arslan’s property, and had the Friday sermon (khutba) recited in Sultan Tughril’s name. Arslan interpreted this event as the result of Ibn al-Muslima’s incitement and, in retaliation, suspended the salaries of the caliph, the vizier, and the officials of the Dār al-Khilāfa. Thus, tensions between the parties intensified further.
Although Basasiri repledged his allegiance to the caliph in 1056, the vizier accused him of treason. Following the caliph’s orders, Malik al-Rahim distanced himself from Arslan, and the vizier instructed the Turkic forces in Baghdad to loot Arslan’s property, family, and supporters. Humiliated by these events, Arslan was later condemned by the caliph due to his alleged correspondence with the Fatimid caliph al-Mustansir. This deepened the rift between Arslan and the Abbasid caliph. At this time, Tughril declared that he would come to Iraq under the pretext of performing the Hajj pilgrimage. According to Ibn Qalanisi, the caliph invited Tughril to Baghdad while Arslan was in Wasit, but Arslan arrived in the city before him and reportedly burned and looted part of the Dār al-Khilāfa. However, this event is not confirmed by other historians.
Fatimid dāʿī al-Mu’ayyad al-Shīrāzī reports that before Tughril's arrival in Baghdad, he sent letters to Tughril's vizier al-Kunduri, to Basasiri, and to the Baghdad army, inviting them to recognize Fatimid authority. Arslan is said to have received al-Mu’ayyad’s letter in the city of Rahba, which likely marks the beginning of his relations with the Fatimids. He promised that, if supported by the Fatimids, he would expel the Seljuk dynasty Turks from Iraq and hand control of the region over to the Fatimid Caliphate.
At that time, however, Basasiri's situation was different. By order of the caliph, Malik al-Rahim distanced himself from him, and Basasiri sought refuge in the territory of the Mazidid ruler Nur al-Dawla ibn Dubays ibn Mazid. Meanwhile, in response to the caliph’s request for assistance in suppressing Basasiri, Tughril advanced toward Baghdad. The Turkic troops under Basasiri, acting on the caliph’s order, revolted against their commanders to prevent giving Tughril a pretext for entering the city. These soldiers petitioned the caliph to send a message ordering Tughril to withdraw, but the caliph firmly refused, as his vizier regarded the collapse of Buyid rule as necessary and considered Tughril’s arrival essential for that purpose. At that point, the sermons mentioned Tughril’s name followed only by Malik al-Rahim’s titles—such as "al-Malik al-Rahim Abū Naṣr ibn Abī’l-Hayjā’ Sulṭān al-Dawla"—and according to some reports, his name was omitted altogether. Later, Tughril requested permission from the caliph to enter Baghdad, which was granted. While he was in Nahrawan, Tughril was informed that the caliph’s vizier, accompanied by numerous dignitaries—judges, naqibs, nobles, and palace officials—was coming to greet him. Some of Malik al-Rahim’s commanders also joined this delegation. In response, Tughril sent his vizier, Amid al-Mulk al-Kunduri, along with several commanders to receive them. During his meeting with Tughril, the caliph’s vizier Abū’l-Qāsim Muslimah delivered a letter from the caliph and took oaths of loyalty from him on behalf of the caliph, Malik al-Rahim, and the army commanders. Following these events, Tughril entered Baghdad on the 25th of Ramadan, 447 AH.
Shortly after, a minor incident sparked a clash between the people of Baghdad and Tughril’s army. This confrontation resulted in numerous deaths, injuries, and prisoners on both sides. The Turks exploited the situation to plunder the property of influential individuals and the tombs of former caliphs. Suspecting Malik al-Rahim's involvement in the uprising, Tughril sent a stern letter to the caliph demanding that Malik al-Rahim be handed over to him to prove his innocence. To gain their trust, he also sent a letter of assurance to Malik al-Rahim and his associates. Consequently, Malik al-Rahim, his close aides, and several representatives of the caliph went to meet Tughril. However, they were ambushed and looted by Turks en route. At the end of Ramadan, Malik al-Rahim and his companions were taken prisoner by Tughril’s order and later exiled to the fortress of Sirwan. With these events, the Buyid dynasty’s rule in Arab Iraq came to an end. In response to Tughril and the Turks' actions, the caliph sent a letter reminding Tughril of the guarantee he had given for the release of Malik al-Rahim and his companions and stated that Tughril would have to leave Baghdad if they were not freed. Nevertheless, the caliph also acknowledged that Tughril’s actions were intended to preserve the dignity of the caliphate. In reply, Tughril released some prisoners but refused to free Malik al-Rahim and even seized his iqṭāʿ. Afterward, Seljuk troops dispersed throughout Baghdad and continued to loot the city, which consequently suffered extensive damage. However, under Tughril’s orders, Baghdad was later restored, and its territory even expanded. The decision to imprison Malik al-Rahim was taken with the implicit approval of the caliph. In other words, Tughril ended Buyid rule in Iraq by imprisoning Malik al-Rahim after remaining in Baghdad for a time. However, Arslan al-Basasiri still remained at large. To further strengthen relations between the Seljuks and the Abbasid Caliphate, in 448 AH (1056 CE), the caliph married his daughter Arslan Khatun Khadija to Chaghri Beg’s son. The marriage ceremony was attended by al-Kunduri, a group of local notables, and Tughril’s military commanders. The nikah was conducted in the presence of the vizier, renowned scholars, and judges.
However, according to al-Maqrizi, although Arslan had appealed to Egypt, he was not granted entry. On the other hand, al-Mu’ayyad fi’l-Din al-Shirazi states that in 448 AH (1056 CE), such a large amount of money was sent to him that the Egyptian treasury was nearly emptied. Caliph al-Mustansir even granted Arslan authority over the province of Rahba so that he could fight against the Turks and take control of Iraq. Al-Mu’ayyad not only provided financial and military support to Arslan, but also presented him with a robe of honor (khilʿa) inscribed with the name of al-Mustansir, a formal covenant, and a letter from the Fatimid caliph. In this letter, al-Mustansir expressed his respect and honor for Arslan and officially appointed him as the Fatimid representative in Iraq to combat the Abbasids.
Soon thereafter, Nur al-Dawla ibn Dubays and Quraysh ibn Badran accepted Tughril’s authority. In return, Tughril reinstated their former territories. As for Arslan, Tughril left the decision regarding his fate to the caliph and distanced himself from the matter. Meanwhile, following the defection of his allies to Tughril’s side, Arslan marched to Rahba with his army. Shortly afterward, fearing Ibrahim Inal, Nur al-Dawla and Quraysh fled and joined Arslan. However, Arslan did not regard their move as significant. Ultimately, Nur al-Dawla returned to his territory, while Quraysh and his son remained with Arslan.
A more detailed account of the ceremony is as follows:
During the ceremony, the caliph presented Tughril with a crown, a necklace, bracelets, and seven black robes — symbolizing the sovereignty over the seven climes. Additionally, he was honored with a gold-embroidered dastār scented with musk, symbolizing the Arab crown and royal authority. Tughril then exited the khilʿa chamber and proceeded to the caliphal palace. Adorned with the crown, dastār, a golden sword, and various precious ornaments, he seated himself ceremonially on the throne that had been designated for him. Intending to express his gratitude to the caliph by performing prostration (sujūd), he found himself unable to do so because of the crown on his head. He therefore sought the caliph’s permission to instead clasp his hand twice, kiss it, and place it upon his eyes. The caliph responded by bestowing upon him another sword — thus, Tughril wore two swords — and formally granted him authority over both the East and the West, declaring him “Sovereign of the East and the West.
In 1049, when Tughril laid siege to the fortress of Ibn Umar in the Jazira region, Ibrahim Inal joined him there and criticized the cautious and respectful conduct of al-Kunduri. In response, Amid al-Mulk said: “You may now do as you wish, for you are the deputy of the sultan.” This statement reveals that Ibrahim Inal held a position equivalent to Tughril’s deputy at that time and had acquired considerable influence within the court.
During this period, a series of clashes erupted between Arslan's supporters and those loyal to the Abbasid caliphate. Many Shi‘a and Sunnis, objecting to the harsh treatment they had received due to their sectarian affiliation and ethnic background, came to support Arslan. This shift turned the tide against the Abbasid loyalists. Amid al-‘Iraq appealed to the caliph’s vizier to delay military confrontation until Tughril’s return, but the vizier rejected this suggestion and instead sent a qadi from Hamadan—Qadi Hamadani—to lead the fight. Thanks to Arslan’s superior military tactics, this clash ended in his victory. Subsequently, one of Baghdad’s neighborhoods and then the caliph’s palace were looted. Other parts of the city also fell under the control of Arslan’s supporters. When the caliph sought help from Amid al-‘Iraq, the latter sought protection from Quraysh ibn Badran, who was allied with Arslan. Eventually, the caliph and his vizier were compelled to seek clemency from Quraysh and came under his protection. Following this, Arslan asked Quraysh whether their cooperation would continue. Quraysh expressed his willingness to maintain the alliance. Soon after, the caliph’s vizier Abu’l-Qasim Muslimah was handed over to Arslan and, on his orders, was brutally executed. Amid al-‘Iraq was also killed by Arslan. The caliph was initially kept in Quraysh ibn Badran’s camp and later handed over, at Arslan’s command, to Quraysh’s cousin Muharij ibn Mujli, governor of the Haditha region. Muharij then transferred the caliph to the city of Anah in Haditha.
On another occasion, during Eid al-Adha, Arslan set out on horseback for the Baghdad prayer ground (musalla) for the Eid prayer, surrounded by Fatimid banners. During this procession, he treated the people, including scholars of different sects and the caliph’s mother, with respect and courtesy. Later, he marched on the cities of Wasit and Basra and took control of these regions. Although he initially planned to advance into Ahvaz, he refrained from doing so after reaching an agreement with the local governor, Hazar Asb ibn Bakkar, and returned to Wasit in 1059.
As a result, the caliph was brought to a region under the authority of Badr ibn Muhallal and was received by officials including Amid al-Mulk Kunduri and other notable figures sent by Tughril. When the caliph reached Nahrawan on the 24th of Dhu al-Qa‘dah, Tughril went to meet him, expressed satisfaction upon seeing him in good health, and pledged to pursue Arslan and undertake military operations against the Fatimid caliph al-Mustansir Billah. The caliph then ceremoniously girded Tughril with a sword and praised him. Tughril entered Baghdad ahead of the caliph and, on the 25th of Dhu al-Qa‘dah, accompanied the caliph to his residence. In return for his services, the caliph praised Tughril and addressed him with the honorific "Irkab ya Rukn al-Din." Previously, Tughril had been known by the title “Rukn al-Dawla,” and this shift to “Rukn al-Din” signified recognition of his struggle against the Fatimid caliphate.
According to another report, Arslan fled Baghdad upon Tughril’s arrival. His allies—including Fatimid caliph al-Mustansir, Dabbis Mazidi, and Quraysh ‘Aqili—also withdrew their support. In 451 AH / 1059 CE, Arslan was captured by Ghumushtakin, a mamluk of Amid al-Mulk Kunduri, and executed. His head was sent to Baghdad.
After leaving Arab Iraq in 1061, Tughril marched toward Azerbaijan and entered Tabriz. Qutalmish was sent in his name to the regions of Mosul and Diyar Rabiʿa. In the same year, by Tughril’s order, Mahmud ibn Akhram Khafaji was appointed mirab (water administrator) over the lands of Banu Khafajah, Kufa, and the Euphrates.
To further reinforce the revival of the Abbasid caliphate and secure a future military presence in the region, Tughril requested revenues from certain areas after restoring the caliph to Baghdad. He tasked his adviser, Amid al-Mulk al-Kunduri, with delivering this request. Amid al-Mulk prepared for the mission and set out to appear before the caliph. On the way, he encountered the caliph’s vizier, Abu’l-Qasim ibn Muslimah, who was also carrying a message requesting financial assistance from Tughril. They proceeded together to Tughril’s presence and explained the situation. Realizing that Amid al-Mulk had prior knowledge of the matter, Tughril entrusted him with the management of the issue. Based on the legal codes of Baghdad, Amid al-Mulk established the financial entitlements and limitations of the caliph. As a result, the caliph became increasingly dependent on Tughril’s will and was compelled to comply with his demands following this incident.
This opposition stemmed from the unprecedented nature of a caliphal daughter being married to a sultan—a situation without prior example. Upon hearing of the proposal, the caliph became angered and, through his envoy Abu Muhammad al-Tamimi, offered Tughril two options: either abandon the marriage proposal, send the caliph 300,000 dinars, and surrender the revenues of Wasit and its surrounding areas; or forget the idea of marriage altogether. At first, Tughril decided to reject the offer. However, as al-Kunduri informed him, such a refusal might be interpreted as a sign of weakness. Consequently, Tughril opted to formally accept the caliph’s proposal.
To this end, al-Kunduri, accompanied by Arslan Khatun—the wife of the caliph—went to the caliphal court, carrying numerous gifts and ornaments. After presenting Tughril’s gifts, Arslan Khatun informed the caliph that Tughril had accepted some of his conditions, while rejecting others. The caliph, displeased by this selective acceptance, chose not to respond and expressed his dissatisfaction. He even threatened to leave Baghdad if Tughril did not abandon the marriage proposal. At this point, the caliph ordered that his camp be relocated to the Nahrawan region. Nevertheless, senior figures at court warned the caliph of the potential consequences of such an action. The vizier Ibn Daris hosted a banquet for al-Kunduri in an attempt to defuse the tension.
The caliph’s displeasure arose mainly from Arslan Khatun's report that Tughril had not fully accepted the caliph’s conditions. After al-Kunduri failed to appease the caliph, Tughril departed for Hamadan. Upon learning of the situation, he wrote to the elders of the caliphate, complaining about the caliph’s lack of gratitude for his services. He also requested the return of his niece Arslan Khatun, who had been married to the caliph. Following this, al-Kunduri halted the payment of salaries to the caliph’s household. As a result, the caliph was forced to concede and approved Tughril’s marriage proposal under pressure. He sent a letter granting permission for the marriage.
As a result of these developments, the marriage contract between Tughril and the caliph’s daughter was concluded in 1062 on the outskirts of Tabriz. Tughril sent numerous gifts to the caliph, his daughter, and other members of the caliphal family. Most sources report that the dowry (mahr) of the caliph’s daughter (or possibly his sister) mirrored that of Prophet Muhammad’s daughter Fatima, consisting of 400 silver dirhams and one gold dinar. In 1061, after Tughril departed for the South Caucasus, Kunduri proposed to the caliph that the marriage ceremony be performed. The caliph, however, referred to the written commitments previously made by Kunduri, asserting that the marriage was intended solely to increase Tughril’s political prestige and that no conjugal cohabitation was envisaged. If Tughril wished to see his wife, the caliph stated he could receive her within the palace. In 1062, Tughril went to the caliphal palace in Baghdad to visit the caliph’s daughter, bringing many gifts. However, the bride did not greet him, nor did she unveil herself in his presence. Despite this, Tughril continued to visit her several times and treated her kindly, but his efforts bore no fruit. Ultimately, in 1061, Tughril decided to return to Rayy. He severed ties with the caliph and suspended his stipend. In response, the caliph sent his daughter, along with the Chief Judge (Qadi al-Qudat) of Baghdad, to Tabriz. Tughril welcomed his bride in Tabriz, decorated the city, and presented lavish gifts. The marriage ceremony was conducted by the Chief Judge.
Another wife of Tughril was Sayyida Khatun, the daughter of the Abbasid Caliph al-Qa’im. In 1061, Tughril sent the qadi of Rayy as an envoy to Baghdad to seek her hand in marriage. The marriage contract was concluded near Tabriz in August–September 1062, with a dowry set at 100,000 dinars. She was brought to the sultan’s palace in March–April 1063. After Tughril’s death, Alp Arslan sent her back to Baghdad in 1064. In 1094, Caliph al-Mustazhir expelled her from the palace and forced her to reside in a private home, as she was suspected of being involved in conspiracies against the caliph. Sayyida Khatun died on October 20, 1102.
Mas'ud, after having returned to Khorasan, expelled the Seljuks from Herat and Nishapur. He soon marched towards Merv to completely remove the Seljuk threat from Khorasan. His army included 50,000 men and 12 to 60 war elephants.
The Battle of Dandanaqan shortly took place near Merv, where the army of Mas'ud was defeated by a smaller army under Tughril, his brother Chaghri Beg, and the Kakuyid prince Faramurz. Mas'ud thus permanently lost control of all of western Khorasan. This victory marked the foundation of the Seljuk Empire, which was now rapidly expanding west.
Tughril then installed Chagri as the governor of Khorasan and prevented a Ghaznavid reconquest, then moved on to the conquest of the Iranian plateau from 1040 to 1044; in 1041–1042, Tughril conquered Tabaristan and Gurgan, and appointed a certain Mardavij ibn Bishui as the governor of the region. In 1042/3, he conquered Ray and Qazvin, and at the same his suzerainty was acknowledged by the Justanids ruler of Daylam. The Sallarid ruler of Shamiran also shortly acknowledged his overlordship. In 1054, Tughril forced the Rawadid dynasty ruler of Azerbaijan, Abu Mansur Wahsudan, to acknowledge his authority. Tughril's name was placed in the khutba (Friday prayer), while a son of Wahsudan, possibly Abu'l-Hayja Manuchihr, was sent as a Seljuk hostage to Khurasan. In the same year, Tughril's forces were contending in Anatolia with the Byzantine Empire.
In 1055 he was commissioned by the Abbasid Caliph Al-Qa'im to recapture Baghdad from the Buyids. A revolt by Turcoman forces under his foster brother İbrahim Yinal and the efforts of Buyid forces led to the loss of the city to the Fatimid Caliph in 1058. Two years later Tughril crushed the rebellion, personally strangling İbrahim with his bowstring and entered Baghdad. He then married the daughter of the Abbasid Caliph near the city of Tabriz.
Ey Turk, how will you treat the servants of God?" Tughril replied, "I will do what you command." Baba Tahir answered, "Do what God commands." Tughril, moved to tears, responded, "I shall do so." Al-Rawandi further emphasizes Tughril’s religiosity, noting that his faith and religious conviction were so strong that no one surpassed him in piety and alertness in the religion of Muhammad (peace be upon him).
In the work "Manzaratu’l-Insan," Tughril was described as gentle, generous, and consistently praying with the people. He fasted on Mondays and Thursdays, gave charity, and built mosques. Bandari writes about Tughril and his rule:
During his reign, the country resembled a blooming garden. He disliked bloodshed and avoided giving such orders.
However, Ibn al-Athir cites a letter sent by Chaghri Beg to Tughril criticizing the devastation caused by Tughril’s conquests. Chaghri Beg reminded him of their past hardships and advised against such behavior. In his reply, Tughril pointed out the dilapidated state of the Khorasan territories under Chaghri's control and explained that military necessities made such measures unavoidable. While listing many of Tughril’s virtues, Ibn al-Athir also describes him as oppressive, ruthless, and cold-hearted. He notes that Tughril’s army often plundered people's property and was engaged in looting day and night.
Faruk Sümer comments on Tughril’s character as follows:
Sources present Tughril Beg as a ruler who disliked bloodshed, was merciful, noble in conduct, forgiving of mistakes, patient, humble, generous, honest, and pious. Imad al-Din al-Isfahani compares his reign to blooming gardens. His main goals were to secure the pilgrimage routes and to end the Fatimid state to unify the Islamic world. He worked hard to convey that looting was not a sustainable way of life. He became so furious at Chaghri Beg’s insistence on the plunder of Nishapur that he threatened to kill himself if it continued. Despite spending much of his time in warfare, he also focused on development, commissioning mosques and madrasas in cities like Nishapur, Ray, Isfahan, and Baghdad.Tughril was praised by many poets and literary figures. Fakhr al-Din As’ad Gurgani wrote a eulogy for him in the introduction of his work "Vis and Ramin," and Ibn Hassul presented his work "Kitab Tafdil al-Atrak ‘ala sa’ir al-ajnad" to be read to Tughril by Amid al-Mulk Kunduri. Between 1040 and 1060, gold coins were minted in Nishapur in his name, many of which refer to him as "al-Sultan al-Muazzam."
Some of the titles and epithets used for Tughril in documents and coins include: al-Amir al-Jalil, Rukn al-Dawla wa’l-Din, Yamin Amir al-Mu’minin, Malik al-Islam wa’l-Muslimin, Burhan Amir al-Mu’minin, Shahanshah, Malik al-Mashriq wa’l-Maghrib, Ghiyath al-Muslimin, Mugheeth ‘Ibad Allah. Tughril’s official motto (tawqi) was "I‘timadi ‘ala Allah" (My trust is in God).
You are just, and your banner shall be raised high, your creed shall be strengthened; so long as the sword remains in the hands of the Turkic peoples who follow the Hanafi school.
Al-Rawandi interpreted the influence of the Hanafi school as having grown with the support of the Turks, who, through their military prowess, triumphed over Arabs, Iranians and Byzantines. He also noted that the Seljuk sultans trained so many scholars who followed Abu Hanifa that affection for these scholars became ingrained in the hearts of both the old and young. Consequently, it can be said that the Seljuk rulers following Tughril also leaned toward the Hanafi school and made significant efforts in this direction. Tughril’s vizier, Amid al-Mulk Kunduri, is known to have been a strict adherent of the Hanafi school; under his orders, curses were pronounced from pulpits in Khurasan against Shi‘ites and Rafidis (pejorative term for Shi‘ites). In 1053, through the efforts of Amid al-Mulk Kunduri and Abu Ali Hasan Sandali, a Hanafi preacher in Nishapur, Tughril issued a declaration against the Ash‘arites. This led to a confrontation with those who followed the Shafi‘i school and held Ash‘ari theological views. Tughril ordered that Shi‘ites, people of innovation (ahl al-bid‘a), and Ash‘arites be cursed from pulpits and that religious activities by Shafi‘i-Ash‘ari scholars be prohibited. Under the influence of this policy, Abu al-Hasan al-Ash‘ari and his followers were denounced as heretics.
In this context, the letter of Al-Qushayri addressed to Tughril and scholars of Islamic cities, which defended Ash‘ari theology, proved ineffective. Tughril, together with Amid al-Mulk, took stricter measures and issued an edict ordering the exile of prominent Shafi‘i figures in Nishapur who had voiced opposition. As a result of these events, those affiliated with the Hanafi school came to the center of state attention. A Sultan’s Madrasa was founded in Nishapur for them, public religious rituals in congregational mosques were performed in accordance with Hanafi jurisprudence, and Hanafi judges were appointed to legal positions throughout Seljuk territories. After Tughril entered Baghdad, Hanafi representatives were received with great honor, and under the order of Amid al-Mulk, the Hanafi scholar Abu Abdullah Damghani was appointed qadi al-qudat (chief judge) in place of a Shafi‘i jurist. However, this process was suspended for thirty years after Tughril’s death in 1063.
Ibn al-Jawzi in al-Muntazam fi Tarikh al-Muluk wa al-Umam and Ibn Hajar al-‘Asqalani in Lisan al-Mizan narrate that after Tughril entered Baghdad in 1055, the Sunni population there burned the books of Shaykh al-Tusi several times. Sunni crowds organized attacks against Shi‘ites and Shi‘ite scholars, raided Shaykh al-Tusi’s library and set his books ablaze, forcing him into hiding. Eventually, under the oversight of Amid al-Mulk, his house was also burned down. Shaykh al-Tusi then migrated to Najaf, where he founded the Najaf Seminary.
Seljuk coins were similar in form and inscription to those circulated during other dynasties. The titles of rulers—such as al-Sultan al-‘Adil, al-Sultan al-A‘zam, al-Sultan al-Mu‘azzam, Malik al-Muluk, Shahanshah, Abu’l-Muzaffar, and others—were inscribed on the coins. The Seljuks operated a limited and centralized minting system. Mints were active in cities such as Ray, Ahvaz, Fasa, Samiram, Wasit, Saveh, Hamadan, Shiraz, Basra, and others. The most active mint of this period was located in Nishapur, followed by Isfahan.
Nonetheless, a careful examination of available sources reveals evidence of some construction activities during the early Seljuk period. For instance, at the beginning of Nasir Khusraw’s travelogue, a school is mentioned to have been constructed in the city of Nishapur. After conquering the Tabarak fortress, Tughril ordered its reconstruction and commissioned the building of elegant structures there. Moreover, he built a palace in the village of Tajrish, where he eventually died. After conquering Iraq, he commissioned the construction of a city on the banks of the Tigris River, including a congregational mosque within it. There are also reports of his construction activities in Wasit. Similarly, sources mention building projects in Ray, including schools, mosques, and other public buildings. The Hanafi mosque in Ray is known as “Tughril’s Friday Mosque,” and it is noted to have been built by him. Additionally, there is information about Tughril’s mausoleum, with some sources stating that Tughril ibn Arslan was also buried there.
Archaeological research has also identified several monuments from this period. These include the "Chehel Dokhtaran" Mausoleum in Damghan, the inscription and minaret of the Damghan Friday Mosque, and one of the Kharaqan tombs built between 1050-1060. Another source notes that after Tughril’s attack on Isfahan, he undertook reconstruction efforts in the devastated city that caught the attention of Nasir Khusraw. Khusraw wrote that Tughril’s name was inscribed on the gate of Khan Lanjan, a city seven farsakhs from Isfahan, and that people had returned to settle there. Summarizing all this information, it can be concluded that the early Seljuk period was significant not only in political and military terms but also in construction and development. However, the events and disasters of the time destroyed many of these buildings. Therefore, a comprehensive assessment of construction activities from this era necessitates a careful examination of historical sources.
Seljuk architecture exhibits various forms and styles, and the Tughril Tower was constructed in the form of a tower-mausoleum decorated with vertical projections, a characteristic of one of these styles. These projections cover both the interior and exterior surfaces of the tower. The Tughril Tower is regarded as one of the finest examples of Seljuk architecture. Its exterior is designed as a 24-pointed star, with the body consisting of convex, triangular-shaped projections. The structure stands approximately 21 meters high with a diameter of 16 meters. Its interior is circular in layout, and the cylindrical body is covered with brickwork.
Tughril's conquests had an impact on the lives of not only the people of annexed states, but also the nomads themselves, who participated in the establishment of the new state. Noticeable changes in the life of the Oguz-Turkmen tribes occurred as they settled in Greater Khorasan, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Transcaucasia and Asia Minor. The transition of compact groups of nomads to a semi-settled and sedentary life and agriculture took place. The old tribal ties broke up; Feudalism relations received a new incentive for further development, although remnants of archaic institutions remained for a long time. The Seljuk nobility began to gradually merge with the feudal aristocracy of the conquered lands.
Upon entering Iran and becoming familiar with the existing institutions of power, the Seljuks sought to gain the support of both the Abbasid caliphate and the people to legitimize and consolidate their rule. To secure the approval of the Sunni majority and the caliphal institution at its head, they initiated a rigorous and sustained campaign against the Shi‘a. Believing that reasserting the caliphate's spiritual authority was only possible through such measures, they adopted a harsh and aggressive stance toward Shi‘ism. The Sunni community, which had long been divided by internal strife, reorganized during this period and mobilized against the Shiites, encouraged by Seljuk state support. By this time, the Shiites had developed a solid political and institutional presence, largely due to the open support of the Buyids, who had ruled parts of Iran and Iraq for a long time. As a result, Shiites became a formidable rival to the Abbasid caliphate and the broader Sunni community, both in demographic and political terms. In particular, the military and political activities of the Isma‘ili Shiites further intensified the conflict, leading to direct confrontations between the Sunni government and Shi‘ite groups. The Seljuk Turks exploited this volatile religious climate to eliminate political rivals and opposition groups. These sectarian conflicts led to widespread slander, accusations, and conspiracies, with each faction wielding this "sharp sword" against the other—plunging the Islamic world into deep and violent divisions.
Tughril’s rise to power and his victories over the Buyids and Fatimids, combined with his support for the Sunni caliphate, resulted in increased repression of the Shi‘a and restrictions on the dissemination of their doctrines and beliefs. After converting to Islam, the Seljuks had adopted the Hanafi school. Tughril’s vizier, Amid al-Mulk Kunduri, a zealous Hanafi, capitalized on the prevailing situation by launching a campaign—first against the Shi‘a, and then against their theological rivals, the Shafi‘is.
With Tughril’s approval, he ordered curses against the Shiites and Ash‘arites to be pronounced from pulpits, used religious and military pretexts to suppress opposition, and incited Hanafi scholars against the Shafi‘is. As a result of this religious persecution, notable Shafi‘i scholars such as Abu al-Qasim al-Qushayri and al-Juwayni were forced to emigrate due to the sectarian atmosphere. Although the balance of power between rival sects shifted over time—most notably when the Shafi‘i-aligned Nizam al-Mulk rose to prominence—the religious conflicts remained a persistent and influential feature of the Seljuk period.
On the other side, the appointed heir Suleiman enjoyed the support of Tughril's vizier, Amid al-Mulk Kunduri. The vizier saw the accession of Suleiman as essential for maintaining his own political position and influence. However, Alp Arslan had around him a powerful figure in the form of Nizam al-Mulk. The presence of Nizam al-Mulk threatened Kunduri’s future. In this context, the farsighted Nizam al-Mulk threw his full support behind Alp Arslan and entered the political struggle with determination.
Ultimately, Alp Arslan, with his administrative experience in the province of Khurasan and his clearly superior military capabilities compared to Suleiman, defeated the rival faction of Suleiman and Amid al-Mulk, compelling them to recognize his rule. Nevertheless, Alp Arslan still faced serious threats that could hinder the rapid consolidation of his authority across the Seljuk realm. Opportunists such as Qilij Arslan, for instance, took up positions south of the Caspian Sea in the Alborz Mountains with the aim of seizing strategically important cities like Ray and Qazvin. Eventually, Alp Arslan achieved a complete victory. As a result of this triumph, Kunduri’s political influence collapsed—he was arrested and, following Nizam al-Mulk’s plans, executed.
Arabic-language sources were either written during the Seljuk period or shortly thereafter. Their authors often lived in regions under the Abbasid Caliphate or elsewhere in the Islamic world and had the opportunity to observe Seljuk governance firsthand. These works are rich in both political and administrative insights.
Tārīkh-i Yamīnī: Composed in the 5th century AH by Abū Naṣr Muḥammad ibn ʿAbd al-Jabbār ʿUṯbī, this work is considered a reliable source, particularly regarding early Turkic history. It also includes accounts of the early Seljuks and their interactions with the Ghaznavids. Later translated and expanded by Nāṣih Jurfādaqān, the translation includes additional information about the decline of Seljuk rule in Iraq and their conflicts with the Khwarazmshahs.
Risāla fī Tafḍīl al-Atrāk ʿalā Sāʾir al-Ajnād wa Manāqib al-Ḥaḍrah al-ʿAliyya al-Sulṭāniyya: Written in the 5th century AH by Ibn Ḥassūl Abū’l-Aʿlā, a servant of Ṭughril, this work provides insights into the early period of the Seljuks and contains reflections and opinions about the Turks in general.
Zayn al-Akhbār: Composed in the 5th century AH by Gardizi, this work covers ancient Iranian history, the life of the Prophet, and events up to 423 AH/1032 CE. Of particular interest is the section on Khurasan’s history up to 432 AH/1041 CE, which includes valuable material on the early Seljuk period.
Tārīkh-i Bayhaqī: Written by Abū’l-Faẓl Muḥammad ibn al-Ḥasan Bayhaqī in the 5th century AH, this 30-volume chronicle covers events up to 451 AH/1059 CE. It primarily discusses the Ghaznavids sultans and includes numerous official documents. The Seljuks are also discussed, especially in the context of their relations with the Ghaznavids and their administrators.
Selçuknāme: Written by ʿAlī Yazıcıoğlu in the 9th century AH, this work is a translation and abridgment of Ibn Bībī’s al-Awāmir al-ʿAlāʾiyya. The author added chapters on the ethnogenesis of the Oghuz and Great Seljuks and incorporated the Oghuznāmeh section from Rashīd al-Dīn’s Jāmiʿ al-Tawārīkh, providing extensive information on the Oghuz people.
Destūrnāme: Composed in the 9th century AH by Anwārī, this narrative poem devotes much space to the Aydinids dynasty, especially Qāḍī Ughur Bey’s campaigns. It also includes valuable details on the Iranian Seljuks, Salghurids, Ghaznavids, Khwarazmshahs, and Mongols, drawing on sources such as Qāḍī Bayzāwī’s Niẓām al-Tawārīkh and Ibn Hilāl al-Ṣābī’s Gharas al-Niʿma and ʿUyūn al-Tawārīkh. Some information from Byzantine sources found here is not mentioned elsewhere.
Selçuknāme (by Aḥmad ibn Maḥmūd Imāmzāde): Written in the 10th century AH, this poetic and literary chronicle relies on earlier sources for information about the Great Seljuks. While coverage of the Great Seljuks is comprehensive, the section on the Anatolian Seljuks is brief and lacks detail.
al-Anbāʾ fī Tārīkh al-Khulafāʾ: A chronicle written by Muḥammad ibn al-ʿUmrānī in the 6th century AH, it begins with the life of the Prophet Muḥammad and ends with the Abbasid Caliphate. It is a valuable source for understanding the relationship between the Seljuks and the Abbasid caliphs, especially al-Qāʾim bi-Amrillāh.
Tārīkh-i ʿAẓīmī: Written by ʿAlī al-Tanūkhī al-ʿAẓīmī in the 6th century AH, this work presents a concise Islamic history from Adam to Caliph al-Muktafī. It provides significant primary material on the Seljuks, including the conquest of Syria and Anatolia and conflicts with the Crusaders, Zengids, and other Atabegs.
al-Muntaẓam wa Multaqāʾāt al-Multazam fī Akhbār al-Mulūk wa al-Umam: Composed by Ibn al-Jawzī in the 6th century AH, this work extends to 572 AH and emphasizes the religious scholars and events of the time. It provides detailed insights into Seljuk-Abbasid relations, especially in Baghdad, where the author himself resided.
Akhbār al-Dawlah al-Saljūqiyyah: Attributed to Ṣadr al-Dīn Abū’l-Ḥasan ʿAlī ibn Nāṣir al-Ḥusaynī (7th century AH), this major Seljuk chronicle is based on three earlier sources: Zubdat al-Tawārīkh, Nuṣrat al-Fatrah, and an earlier version of Akhbār al-Dawlah. It covers from the origins of the Seljuks to the death of Ṭughril III in 1194.
al-Kāmil fī al-Tārīkh: Authored by Ibn al-Athir in the 7th century AH, this 12-volume universal chronicle covers events up to 628 AH/1231 CE. It is regarded as highly reliable, especially for the history of the Turks, the rise of the Seljuks, and their rule in Iran, Iraq, and Syria. The author’s contemporaneity with the Atabegs of Mosul enhances its value.
Mirʾāt al-Zamān fī Tārīkh al-Aʿyān: Written in the 7th century AH by Abū’l-Muẓaffar Yūsuf ibn Qizāwghlī, this universal chronicle begins with Adam and continues to the author’s lifetime. Particularly valuable are the details from the second half of the 5th century AH, including rare insights on Ṭughril Beg, Alp Arslan, and Malikshāh, as well as Seljuk activities in Anatolia, Syria, and Palestine.
Zubdat al-Fikrah fī Tārīkh al-Hijrah (a.k.a. Tārīkh-i Baybars): Written in the 7th or 8th century AH by Baybars Manṣūrī, this 10-volume history reaches up to 723 AH/1323 CE. It provides detailed and valuable information about Anatolia’s political and geographical landscape, as well as the relationships among Seljuks, Mongols, and Mamluks.
Kanz al-Durar wa Jāmiʿ al-Ghurar: A 9-volume historical chronicle by Ibn Aybak al-Dawādārī, composed in the 7th or 8th century AH. It includes extensive and original information on Seljuk, Mongol, and Mamluk relations. Although similar to Sīrat Malik Manṣūr, it offers distinct material of great significance.
al-Sulūk fī Maʿrifat Duwal al-Mulūk: Written in the 9th century AH by al-Maqrīzī, this history spans events from 567 AH/1171 CE to 844 AH/1441 CE. While primarily focused on Egypt and the Mamluks, it contains useful brief information on Seljuk rule.
Tārīkh al-Khulafāʾ: Authored by Jalāl al-Dīn al-Suyūṭī in the 9th century AH, this work serves as an essential source for studying the relationship between the Seljuks and the caliphate.
Nuṣrat al-Fatrah wa ʿAṣrat al-Fiṭrah: Composed in the 6th century AH by ʿAmād al-Dīn al-Kātib al-Iṣfahānī. He translated his own Persian work Futūr Zamān al-Ṣudūr into Arabic and added new material concerning the Seljuk period, especially up to the death of Alp Arslan and subsequent events in Iraq and Iran. It is regarded as a critical source for Seljuk history.
Tārīkh Marw wa Dhayl Baghdād: This monumental 20-volume history of Marw was compiled by Abū Saʿīd ʿAbd al-Karīm ibn Muḥammad al-Samʿānī in the 6th century AH. It includes significant content on Khurasan and Turkestan. The work is vital for studying the rise and cultural development of the Seljuks. The author also wrote a 15-volume supplement to Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī’s Tārīkh Baghdād, which originally consisted of 40 volumes.
Majmaʿ al-Tavārīkh and Qisas: This work, authored in the early 6th century AH (12th century CE), is anonymous. Compiled as a general history organized by dynasties, it covers events from the creation of the world up to the year 520 AH / 1126 CE. The book provides information about the Seljuks and other Turkic dynasties, and some content is derived from now-lost works by Hilāl al-Ṣābī. This text offers valuable insights into Iran’s ancient history, particularly concerning Turkic tribes. It differs from the narratives of Gardīzī and includes many legendary elements.
Aghrāz al-Siyāsa fī Aʿrāz al-Riyāsa: Written in the 6th century AH by Muhammad ibn ʿAlī Kātip Samarqandī, this text presents the biographies of various rulers, including Sultan Sanjar. Composed primarily in a narrative style, it holds significance especially for events during the reign of Qilij Tamghach Khan.
Mashārib al-Tajārib wa Ghawārib al-Gharāib: This work was written in the 6th century AH by Ibn Funduq Bayhaqī. According to historians such as Ibn al-Athīr, Juvaynī, and Hamdallah Mustawfī, this source is especially important for understanding the period of early Seljuk rule and the era contemporary to the author.
Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī: Authored by Jūzjānī in the 7th century AH, this work was intended to supplement a historical text covering the lives of prophets, Umayyads, Abbasids, Iranian rulers, and the Ghaznavids. It also includes the history from the Buyids to the Khwarazmshahs, as well as the Ayyubids and rulers in Delhi. Although written in India in the early 13th century CE, it provides valuable information about Turkic peoples and their history.
Niẓām al-Tavārīkh: This general history was compiled by Qāḍī Bayḍāwī in the 7th century AH. It discusses the prophets, caliphs, and dynasties such as the Umayyads, Abbasids, Saffarids, Samanids, Ghaznavids, Daylamites, Seljuks, Salghurids, and Khwarazmshahs. The text also contains extensive details about the Mongols and is especially significant for the history of the Seljuks in Fars and the Atabeg dynasties.187
Ādāb al-Ḥarb: Written by Fakhr al-Dīn Mubārakshāh in the 7th century AH, this treatise discusses events from the reigns of Tughril, Malikshāh, and Sultan Sanjar. It also includes information about the Ghaznavids and Qarakhanids, and elaborates on medieval warfare and military principles.
Al-Aʿrāḍ fī’l-Ḥikāyat al-Saljūqiyya: Composed in the 8th century AH by Muhammad ibn ʿAbdullāh ibn Niẓām al-Ḥusaynī al-Yazdī, this work is an abridgment of Rahat al-Ṣudūr. It provides detailed information on the Great Seljuks and is particularly notable for including a six-article legal code attributed to Malikshāh.
Zubdat al-Tavārīkh: Written by Muhammad Kāshānī in the 8th century AH, this text discusses the history of Islamic dynasties. In addition to its valuable coverage of the Great Seljuks, it provides information on the Kerman Seljuks and Qarakhanids.
Zafarnāma: Authored by Hamdallah Mustawfi in the 8th century AH, this epic consists of approximately 75,000 couplets. It is divided into three parts: history from the prophets and caliphs to the conquest of Baghdad; the post-Islamic history of Iranian dynasties; and Qism al-Sulṭānī, which covers the Turks, Mongols, Oghuz Khan, the lineage of Chinggis Khan, and the Ilkhanids. It is one of the most significant sources on Turkic history.
Shāhnāma-yi Saljūqī: Written in the 8th century AH by Aḥmad ibn Muhammad al-Ṭūsī (Qanāʾī), this work covers ancient Iranian history, the era of the prophets, and the Islamic period. It contains extensive material on the Ghaznavids, Great Seljuks, and especially the Seljuks of Anatolia.
Saljūqnāma: Composed in the 8th century AH by Aḥmad Niyāghdāʾī, this text is an abridgment of his own earlier work, al-Walad al-Shafīq. It contains important information on both the Great Seljuks and the Seljuks of Anatolia.
Majmaʿ al-Tavārīkh (by Ḥāfiẓ Abru): Written by Hafiz-i Abru in the 9th century AH at the request of Shahrukh, the son of Timur. The author compiled the work using various sources and included contemporary events. The text is divided into four parts and is particularly important for incorporating material from now-lost sources.
Rawḍat al-Ṣafā fī Sīrat al-Anbiyāʾ wa’l-Mulūk wa’l-Khulafāʾ: This general history in seven volumes was composed in the 9th century AH by Mirkhvand. Although it contains limited material on the Seljuks, its use of now-lost sources such as Maliknāma lends it special significance.
Ḥabīb al-Siyar fī Akhbār Afrād al-Bashar: Written by Khvandamir between the 9th and 10th centuries AH, this three-volume general history covers Islamic history in the first two volumes, and in the third, the history of the Turks and Mongols, particularly up to the death of Chinggis Khan.
Tuhfat al-Mulūk: The author and date of composition are unknown. The work consists of various historical anecdotes, including stories about Tughril, Sanjar, and Malikshāh. It is believed to have been written in the Anatolian region.
Tārīkh-i Bayhaq: Authored in the 6th century AH by Ibn Funduq Bayhaqī, this work is based on the earlier Tārīkh-i Nīshābūr by Nishāpūrī and covers events up to 563 AH / 1168 CE. In the introduction, the author discusses the value of historical writing, followed by a detailed account of the Bayhaq region, its conquest by Muslims, and the geography of the area. It offers thorough descriptions of the Tahirids, Saffarids, Samanids, Ghaznavids, and Seljuks. The text also provides biographical information on notable scholars, families, and poets, and includes details on the Seljuk campaigns in Anatolia and political developments in Khurasan. It stands out for its rare information on the family of Niẓām al-Mulk. Bayhaqī relied on ancient sources, archival documents, and personal observation.
Shirāznāma: Composed in the 8th century AH by Abū’l-ʿAbbās Aḥmad ibn Abū’l-Khayr Zarkūb Shīrāzī, this book focuses particularly on the Fars region, detailing the history of the states that ruled there from the Buyids to the author’s time. It also includes the biographies of prominent individuals buried in Shiraz. The work provides primary and original insights into the political, economic, and social affairs of the Great Seljuks and other powers that ruled in this region.
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